A Political and Social History of Guyana, 1945-1983 by Thomas Spinner

A Political and Social History of Guyana, 1945-1983 by Thomas Spinner

Author:Thomas Spinner [Spinner, Thomas]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Political Science, General
ISBN: 9780429716591
Google: 79tJEAAAQBAJ
Goodreads: 59447429
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2021-11-28T00:00:00+00:00


Forbes Burnham was as aware as Anthony Verrier of the fact that he would probably lose a free election in 1968. But Burnham was not merely in office, as Cheddi Jagan had been. He had real power and, with the departure of the British, could mobilize all the influence and patronage of the state in order to make sure that the votes were counted before the election took place. Burnham had the guns, and he was prepared to use them to insure his retention of power. Despite his pledges to implement the recommendations of the International Commission of Jurists, Burnham maintained the overwhelmingly African composition of both the Guyana Defense Force and the police. He intended to take no chances with East Indians, whose loyalties might be open to doubt. Shortly after independence, the coalition regime passed a severe National Security Act. It gave the government the right to suspend habeas corpus and to detain Guyanese when necessary for national security.27

Matters grew worse for Peter d’Aguiar in 1967. He felt adrift in a sea of corruption, and he wondered if he would drown. More than G$1 million had been spent illegally on the East Coast highway, and the director of audits was unable to produce proper vouchers for almost G$20 million of government expenditures. The PNC even thrust the party faithful into the supposedly impartial civil service, judicial, and police service commissions. Burnham was moving more rapidly than even his most bitter opponents had contemplated toward one-party control of the state. One possible source of embarrassment still existed—he lacked a majority in the present Legislative Assembly.

By September 1967, rumors surged through Georgetown that an open quarrel between Burnham and d’Aguiar had erupted. D’Aguiar drew back from a complete break, for Jagan still seemed an even worse alternative than Burnham. In an incredibly inept performance, d’Aguiar resigned from the cabinet over an issue that could not conceivably win him much support. He opposed Burnham’s choice for income tax commissioner, insisting that as finance minister he must have someone in this post upon whom he could rely. D’Aguiar’s position was further compromised by his preference for an expatriate rather than a Guyanese for the vacant position. Reasonably pleasant letters were exchanged between d’Aguiar and Burnham, and d’Aguiar left as an individual while maintaining UF membership in the coalition government.28

Ptolemy Reid succeeded d’Aguiar as finance minister, and introduced a new budget in the last days of December. Jagan pounced upon it for not being sufficiently socialist, while d’Aguiar exploded for opposite reasons. D’Aguiar stated it was “unrealistic,” providing too much “lavish and wasteful expenditure.” Why spend money on a Guyana Defense Force which passed the days losing its equipment? Increasing taxation would be disastrous, d’Aguiar continued, for it would limit investment from the private sector.29

The death of the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly led to a furious battle between the PNC and the PPP over the choice of a successor. Once again, d’Aguiar caved in. He joined Burnham in designating an East Indian, Rahman Gajraj for the position.



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