Links to the Diasporic Homeland by Russell King Anastasia Christou Peggy Levitt

Author:Russell King, Anastasia Christou, Peggy Levitt [Russell King, Anastasia Christou, Peggy Levitt]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Nonfiction, Social & Cultural Studies, Social Science, Cultural Studies, Emigration & Immigration, Ethnic Studies, Sociology
ISBN: 9781317755449
Publisher: Taylor and Francis
Published: 2015-10-14T04:00:00+00:00

Political Vows and Return Immobilities

In Britain many asylum-seekers, refugees or naturalised citizens from a refugee background hold similar aspirations of instilling within their children the possibility of return. However, many in this category are either cut off from the social networks in Uganda due to their immigration status and/or political views, or find that these same factors lead to a disconnection from the community in Britain. Despite the negative connotations in public discourse around refugees and asylum-seekers, there are many migrants who hold onto their refugee status or Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR) in Britain. For these Ugandans it is important to have a visible permanent marker of identity that attests to the impossibility of their return to the country of their birth while certain political conditions remain unchanged. Julius, a 45-year-old social worker, speaks words I have heard at many meetings, particularly those organised in relation to ending the war in Northern Uganda:

For those of us from Northern Uganda, we have really suffered. We have seen so many atrocities. Our children continue to die every day in the most appalling of conditions while the world sits by and watches. So many people have said to me, why don’t you take up citizenship? You have been on that ILR for 12 years now, you could have already gained your citizenship. But to me that would be almost like saying that I have abandoned my people. That I don’t believe in their pain and suffering any more. That I am disassociating myself from everything that we have been through. That I am more interested in keeping my nice house warm, going on holiday and forgetting that I am an Acholi [one of the major ethnic groups in Northern Uganda].

Julius’ words speak to that ‘place’ of identity that refugeehood so poignantly marks because when he says to people that he is a refugee, he is saying more than his official immigration category. He makes a political statement that within the everyday life he builds for his family in Britain there remains a permanent ‘place’ for Uganda. He actively chooses not to take up citizenship as he sees this as an act of disavowal not only of his citizenship of origin, but of his connection to the present and the painful and uneven history of his country.

Julius’ stance effectively closes the door to return and restricts the options for his young children. Many parents like Julius develop networks of support outside the Ugandan community as they seek to distance themselves from the community. Others have been at the forefront of developing campaigning organisations and support groups for Ugandan refugees and asylum-seekers. The range of strategies is revealing: some seek succour and support within their communities, whilst others’ sense of insecurity leads them to seek support from more mainstream organisations that work with a range of migrants and refugees in Britain.

Yet many second-generation adults disagree with the legacy of their parents’ strategies. Charmaine, whose parents gained refugee status in 1976, is one such second-generation person.

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