Labour and Political Transformation in Russia and Ukraine by Rick Simon

Author:Rick Simon [Simon, Rick]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9781138732148
Barnesnoble:
Publisher: Taylor & Francis
Published: 2020-12-14T00:00:00+00:00

The 1990 strike and relations with Yeltsin

The elevation of Yeltsin to the de facto presidency of the Russian republic in May 1990 was a turning-point for the future development of both the USSR and the workers' movement. Thereafter, the workers' movement was no longer confronted simply with a state to which it was increasingly hostile and against which it could undertake industrial action, but also an emergent Russian state headed by a figure in whom substantial numbers of workers, or at least their leadership, had a high degree of confidence.

The high priority accorded by Yeltsin to relations with the workers' movement was emphasised by his meeting with delegates to the June miners' conference in Donets'k. Yeltsin appealed to the miners for a period of grace in taking industrial action, in order for the new Russian government to enact necessary economic reforms. Yeltsin argued that any strikes would not only affect the Soviet economy but would also be detrimental to the nascent Russian economy. As a consequence, instead of its previously considered option of an indefinite national strike, the conference called a one-day warning strike directed specifically against Gorbachev and the Soviet centre for 11 July, the anniversary of the 1989 strike, and at the same time as the 28th Congress of the CPSU. An indefinite strike also entailed significant risk as many felt that the military, which had suffered hammer blows in Afghanistan and Eastern Europe, might be provoked into launching a coup if the country were paralysed.

On 23 June, Yeltsin met representatives of the Kuzbass Regional Council of Workers' Committees, which had issued an appeal to labour collectives to prepare for strike action. The meeting took place against the backdrop of the election of the conservative Polozkov as First Secretary of the newly-formed Russian Communist Party (RCP) and the Russian Supreme Soviet's decision on state sovereignty. Having initially viewed the foundation of the RCP as a possible vehicle for opposing Gorbachev and the Soviet centre, Yeltsin told the miners that the defeat of his own candidate and Polozkov's election meant 'the collapse of the party, the end' (Russkaya Mysl' 29 June 1990, p.9). It had become clear that no section of the CPSU could be used as a means of promoting reform; it was now time to form a new party (ibid). The delegation was impressed with Yeltsin's assurances regarding the possibility of the Kuzbass becoming a free economic zone, and the removal of the Russian coal industry from the tutelage of the central ministry. Golikov promised that any action taken by workers would be in support of the Russian Supreme Soviet and that this was facilitated by a de facto situation in the Kuzbass where workers' committees acted as alternative power structures to the Soviet centre. For the Kuzbass delegates it really did seem that they and Yeltsin were of one mind and that, in such circumstances, the workers' movement could play a huge role in the realisation of Yeltsin's programme (ibid).

Faced with the patent failure of perestroika,

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