State and Civil Society under Siege by Joshy P. M.; Seethi K. M.;

Author:Joshy, P. M.; Seethi, K. M.;
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: SAGE Publications

the VHP had all the essentials to launch a massive agitation of the kind it wanted, a well-planned strategy and financial support to take the issue to the streets. The VHP required, to put it plainly, substantial muscle power under its control to meet the needs of agitation politics. In time, the youth power of the Dal came to fulfill this need of the VHP. (Nandy 1998: 96)

Unlike the RSS cadres, the Bajrang Dal members were known to recruit “untrained, volatile, semi-lumpen elements” (Noorani 2001: 72) and they were mainly from the unemployed educated youths in the urban areas. Nandy specifically pointed out that the cadres of the Bajrang Dal were from poor upper-caste background and from smaller cities and semi-urban town areas. They were also partly educated and jobless (Nandy 1998: 97). The VHP had been gently using these ‘frustrated minds’ for the mobilisation of the local population. Most often, they were guided by an image of a ‘glorious past and a ‘perverted present’ and the possibility of ‘good future’. The VHP sought support by deploying an image of the possibility of a ‘glorious future’ consistent with the past. However, the organisation was in the forefront of the demolition of the Babri Masjid, which they viewed as the first step towards ‘Ramarajya’ (Government of India White Paper on Ayodhya 1993; Report of the Liberhan Commission 2009).

Yet another opportunity for the BJP–RSS–VHP–BD combine to gain further political leverage occurred during 1989–1990 when the National Front government led by V. P. Singh decided to implement the recommendations of the Mandal Commission to provide 27 per cent reservations in public education and employment for the castes officially designated ‘Other Backward Classes’ (OBCs). The BJP was initially in a dilemma on the issue as it used to get support mostly from the upper caste sections, besides the OBCs, SC/STs and Muslims. The upper caste sections, in turn, started violent agitations against the Government's decision. As a supporter of the Government from outside, the stance of the BJP was crucial. It knew that the party had to appease both the upper caste sections and the OBCs. According to Amrita Basu, “The Government's decision heightened the salience of caste over religion and, thus, threatened to fragment the BJP's Constituency” (Basu 2005: 58; Ghosh 2003). The BJP formally supported the Mandal recommendations at the national level and undermined it locally, especially in places where it relied on upper caste support (Basu 2005: 58). However, the BJP sought to deal with it in a clever way. In the background of the emerging crisis, L. K. Advani announced his Ram Rath Yatra with an obvious motive. BJP's basic perception was very clear:

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