Marginalised Populations in the Ancient Greek World: The Bioarchaeology of the Other by Carrie Weaver;

Author:Carrie Weaver;
Language: eng
Format: epub, pdf
Publisher: Edinburgh University Press

NOTES

 1. For more on theoretical models in disability studies, see Gosbell 2018: 31–43. Also, for a historiography of disability studies (both in general and for the ancient world), see Anderson and Carden-Coyne 2007; Laes 2017b; Gosbell 2018: 4–8.

 2. For a recent approach to the medical model, see Roush 2017.

 3. Note that Edwards (1997b) refers to the social model as the ‘community model’. The social model continues to predominate disability studies and has been adopted by bioarchaeologists as well (e.g. Southwell-Wright 2013).

 4. For a critique of the social model, see Riddle 2013.

 5. Although they are not employed in this study, note that other recent theoretical models, such as the Bioarchaeology of Personhood (Boutin 2016) and the Bioarchaeology of Care (Tilley and Oxenham 2011; Tilley 2015; Powell et al. 2016), have been used by archaeologists to reconstruct the lived experiences of past persons who had physical impairments. Also, see Stodder 2017 for a quantitative approach to impairment and disability and Battles 2011 for a holistic anthropological approach. See Byrnes and Muller 2017b; Shuttleworth and Meekosha 2017 for historiographies of bioarchaeological approaches to impairment and disability.

 6. Disabling conditions that are not perceptible on skeleton remains have been studied elsewhere (note that this list is meant to be representative and not exhaustive): deafness/non-speaking – Edwards 1997b; Laes 2011b; Rose 2003: 66–78; blindness – Rose 2003: 79–94; Garland 2017; mental illness/neurodiversity – Gourevitch 1983; Harris 2013; Rose 2017; cognitive/intellectual impairment – Berkson 2004; Goodey 2005; Bosman 2009; Goodey and Rose 2013; Rose 2017. At the same time, note that there is some skeletal evidence that might serve as indicators of the aforementioned conditions. For instance, at Apollonia Pontica (ca. fifth to third centuries BCE), unilateral aural atresia in an adult female skeleton might have resulted in hearing impairment and the deformation of the external ear (Keenleyside 2011), and occipitalisation of the atlas in two adult females might have restricted head and neck movements and caused neurological complications (Keenleyside 2015). Also, some cases of trepanation observed in the archaeological record might have been performed to assuage symptoms associated with mental illness (Bourbou 2013: 341–3).

 7. For more on the role of case studies in palaeopathological research, see Mays 2012a.

 8. Note that exposure, where the infant is abandoned and could potentially be retrieved by a third party, differs from infanticide, which exclusively refers to the deliberate death of an infant. Although some cases of exposure undoubtedly resulted in the death of the infant, and thus infanticide, the two terms must be used carefully and not interchangeably (Patterson 1985).

 9. For a historiography of exposure and infanticide, see Oldenziel 1987; Evans Grubbs 2013; Bonnard 2018. Also, it is reductionist to assume that all Greek city states favoured infant exposure, especially as Aristotle (Politics 7.1335b) implies that some did not. Even though Isocrates denies that infant exposure was practised at Athens (12.121–3), scholars have generally dismissed this claim (Rousselle 2001: 313). See Amundsen 1987: 9 for Jewish and Egyptian customs, which appear to forbid exposure and infanticide.

10. See Amundsen 1987 for an analysis of pertinent passages in the works of Plato and Aristotle.

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