We Come for Good by Backhouse Paul N.;Weisman Brent R.;Rosebrough Mary B.;
Author:Backhouse, Paul N.;Weisman, Brent R.;Rosebrough, Mary B.;
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: University Press of Florida
Published: 2018-08-15T00:00:00+00:00
Figure 10.5. Map displaying the location of camps established in the 1940s and what hubs they were settled in or near. Created by Maureen Mahoney, Tribal Archaeologist, Seminole Tribe of Florida Tribal Historic Preservation Office.
Camps may have also been settled in the northern portion of the reservation because Tribal members did not trust the U.S. government, and this location allowed for the easiest and quickest escape route if the army came to force migration as it did less than 100 years earlier (Covington 1993). Many of these early reservation camps were hidden from view in the hammock (Spoehr 1941), and several Tribal members remember their parents making the children go hide in the woods if an unknown non-Seminole person came near the camp (Mollie Jolly, personal communication, March and April 2013). Tribal members like the Buster Twins did not trust any non-Seminoles and may have only been comfortable living in an area with an easy escape route (Lorene Gopher, personal communication, August 2012).
Like the earlier Charlie Micco camp, the second core area for camps was established near the Red Barn. These camps consisted of the John Josh camp, the Little Charlie Micco camp, and the third Johns camp. For the inhabitants of the John Josh camp and the Little Charlie Micco camp, the original location of habitation was the Charlie Micco camp, which also continued to be inhabited during this time. All four camps in the area were settled at this location in order to be close to the Red Barn, the main focus of work for the men of the camp. Like Charlie Micco, John Josh was heavily involved in the cattle program and was one of the three original cattle trustees with Micco (Coleman Josh, personal communication, April 2012). The John Josh camp followed the usual matrilocal settlement pattern. Henly Josh, John Joshâs wife, was a member of the Bird Clan, which was the clan associated with the Charlie Micco camp. Conversely, neither the Little Charlie Micco camp nor the third Johns camp followed the traditional matrilocal settlement pattern. Little Charlie and his family continued to live near Bird Clan camps and the Red Barn instead of Otter Clan camps, which was the clan associated with Little Charlieâs wife, Minnie. In this instance, it appears to have been more important to settle the camp near a work area than to follow the matrilocal tradition. This settlement pattern was also found with the third Johns camp, which was a Panther Clan camp but whose inhabitants were greatly involved in the cattle industry. Although neither camp location was matrilocal, those in the camps were generally of one clan. In the Little Charlie Micco camp, inhabitants of the camp also included members of Minnieâs clan, who settled at the camp due to this relationship. In the third Johns camp, the occupants primarily included family members who all belonged to the same clan.
The third hub that grew in the 1940s formed near the administration complex. This hub included the Annie Pearce and Andrew Bowers camp, the Jack Smith camp, the second Johns camp, and the Eli Morgan house.
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