The Cambodian Crisis and U.S. Policy Dilemmas by Robert G Sutter

Author:Robert G Sutter [Sutter, Robert G]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Ethnic Studies, American, Asian American Studies, Social Science, Political Science, World, Asian, Regional Studies
ISBN: 9781000315059
Google: VAiiDwAAQBAJ
Goodreads: 49787883
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2019-07-11T00:00:00+00:00

This course of events, it is argued, would see a notable improvement in U.S.-Vietnamese relations, a relaxation of tensions in Indochina and Southeast Asia, a possible reassertion of Vietnamese independence and nationalism against the USSR, and a curb on Soviet access to military bases in Vietnam. The latter is seen as important to the United States in light of the uncertainty that surrounds continued U.S. access to bases in the Philippines.

Continued U.S. Pressure Until Vietnam Meets U.S. Terms

Proponents of this view strongly oppose U.S. efforts to improve relations or ease tensions with Hanoi until the Vietnamese completely withdraw their forces from Cambodia, help settle the conflict there and offer a full accounting of American MIAs. In particular, they argue strongly against establishing a U.S. liaison office or interests section in Hanoi, easing the U.S. economic embargo, or providing U.S. aid until Hanoi meets U.S. conditions on Cambodia and the MIAs. They support restrictions on the Khmer Rouge because of longstanding U.S. opposition to the Cambodian communists' brutal rule, not out of an interest to meet Vietnamese concerns. These Americans often reflect a deep suspicion of Vietnamese leaders. They judge that the recent changes seen in Vietnamese policies are largely tactical efforts to cope with current pressures. If those pressures ease prematurely, it is argued, Vietnamese officials will revert to policies contrary to U.S. interests.

According to this view, Vietnam could move to exploit U.S. gestures to improve relations and ease pressure in ways detrimental to U.S. interests. In particular they maintain that:

Such U.S, gestures could make the Vietnamese more difficult to deal with on the MIA issue. For example, it could confirm Vietnam's belief that holding remains of U.S. servicemen gives Hanoi considerable leverage over the United States, rewarding and reinforcing Hanoi's demonstrated tendency to use this leverage cynically, to gain greater concessions from the United States. Thus, under these circumstances, it is argued, the Vietnamese might be expected to stress past demands for U.S. reconstruction aid as a precondition for a full accounting on MIAs.

Such steps would make it more difficult for the U.S. government to persuade groups in the United States, Japan, Western Europe, and international organizations who are inclined to offer assistance to Vietnam to refrain from such assistance. Some who are deterred for the present by the strong, U.S.-backed pressure against Vietnam might change their policy if U.S. policy changed. Increased international aid at this time, it is argued, could weaken Hanoi's resolve to change its repressive and expansionist policies.

Easing U.S. pressure against Vietnam under current circumstances could exacerbate important differences of opinion among Asian states opposed to the Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia. For example, some claim that Indonesia could be expected to follow such signs of U.S. moderation with efforts of its own to seek a compromise political settlement that might legitimize Vietnam's continued domination of Cambodia. In contrast, China might respond by arguing for a continued firm international stance against Vietnam, and might view the U.S. steps as another in a series of recent negative features of U.

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