Market Ethics and Practices, c.1300–1850 by Simon Middleton James E. Shaw

Author:Simon Middleton, James E. Shaw [Simon Middleton, James E. Shaw]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9781138281578
Barnesnoble:
Publisher: Taylor & Francis
Published: 2017-12-04T00:00:00+00:00

Notes

1 Quotation from the introduction to The Diary of Thomas Turner, 1754–65, ed. David Vaisey (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), xviii.

2 Quotation from English diary. One prominent exception is Christopher Clark, The Roots of Rural Capitalism: Western Massachusetts, 1780–1860 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), especially 28–32, 156–91. My views on the character of exchange in pre-industrial New England expressed throughout this paper resemble Clark’s.

3 Craig Muldrew, The Economy of Obligation: The Culture of Credit and Social Relations in Early Modern England (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998).

4 Daniel Vickers, “Errors Expected: The Culture of Credit in Rural New England, 1750–1800,” Economic History Review, 63 (2010), 1032–57.

5 For this argument in the New England context see Daniel Vickers, Farmers and Fishermen: Two Centuries of Work in Essex County, Massachusetts, 1630–1850 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 13–29, and in a larger northeastern colonial framework see Vickers, “The Northern Colonies: Economy and Society, 1600–1775,” in Stanley L. Engerman and Robert E. Gallman, eds., Cambridge Economic History of the United States, 1st edn. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), vol. 1, 209–48.

6 Daniel Vickers, “Competency and Competition: Economic Culture in Early America,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., 47 (1990), 3–29; Vickers, “The Northern Colonies,” 209–48.

7 Vickers, “Errors Expected,” 1032–57; Vickers, Farmers and Fishermen, 206–8.

8 The argument in these last two paragraphs follows the evidence presented in Vickers, “Errors Expected,” 1032–57, but see especially 1041–4. It is also supported by the functional differences between households (in skills, types of property owned, etc.) that is visible in almost all farm account books of the day. See Vickers, Farmers and Fishermen, 237–47.

9 Diary of Thomas Turner; William Stout, The Autobiography of William Stout of Lancaster, 1635– 1752, ed. J. D. Marshall (Manchester: Manchester University Press for the Chetham Society, 1967); Roger Lowe, The Diary of Roger Lowe, of Ashton-In-Makerfield, Lancashire, 1663–74, ed. William L. Sachse (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1938).

10 Following, of course, the pathbreaking Neil McKendrick, John Brewer and J. H. Plumb, eds., The Birth of a Consumer Society (London: Europa Publications, 1982).

11 The huge literature on these developments is well summarized in Cary Carson, “Consumption,” in Daniel Vickers, ed., A Companion to Colonial America (Malden: Blackwell Pub., 2006), 334–65; Christopher Clark, Social Change in America from the Revolution through the Civil War (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2006).

12 On the vast literature on retailing and consumer demand in England, see Nancy Cox, The Complete Tradesman: A Study of Retailing, 1550–1820 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), 1–16; Jan de Vries, “Between Purchasing Power and the World of Goods: Understanding the Household Economy in Early Modern Europe,” in John Brewer and Roy Porter, eds., Consumption and the World of Goods (London: Routledge, 1993), 85–132; John Styles, “Manufacturing, Consumption, and Design in Eighteenth-Century England,” in ibid., 527–54. On the American historiography, see Timothy Breen, The Marketplace of Revolution: How Consumer Politics Shaped American Independence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); Cary Carson, “Consumption,” 334–65. My position on the history of consumer behaviour and culture in America is more gradualist than that held by Breen or Carson.

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