Liu Shaoqi and the Chinese Cultural Revolution by Lowell Dittmer

Author:Lowell Dittmer [Dittmer, Lowell]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Ethnic Studies, Public Policy, Social Science, Political Science, Regional Studies, General
ISBN: 9781317466017
Google: _m2mBgAAQBAJ
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2015-02-12T10:43:50+00:00

Economic Themes

Critique

The essential criticism of Liu’s economic policies was, of course, that he promoted economic “revisionism” and sought thereby to lead China down the “capitalist road.” These policies had both defensive and offensive dimensions: the former encompassed Liu’s “shielding” of ex-capitalist elements and otherwise obstructing the socialization process, the latter his introduction of various “revisionist” elements into the socialist economic system. The GLF seems to be the watershed that divides the defensive and offensive strategies chronologically. First, then, we turn to an examination of Liu’s alleged protection of capitalism (which was polemically defined simply as the amassing of an invidious proportion of wealth, without much regard for the mode of production by which wealth is acquired), and then proceed to an examination of his active promotion of “revisionism.”

Opposition to Socialization—Indications of Liu’s tendencies to “shield” bourgeoisie are found in writings dating from as early as 1924 (in the article, “Save the Hanyeping Iron and Steel Company”), but certainly the most frequently cited indications of shielding are culled from his 1949–50 speeches to laborers and capitalists in Tianjin, immediately following Communist capture of the city. “Exploitation has its merits,” he said, defending managerial discretion to hire and fire and set pay and working hours. When asked how workers should act, he replied, “basically as in the past.” He admitted that “taxes were heavy” and encouraged capitalists to “consult together and share responsibility” to devise new tax scales, or even to reopen the Tianjin Stock Exchange, adding, “If you have any good and feasible plans, you may let me know. I have a 50 percent say in these things.” But in regard to the attempts of workers to set up and run their own factories without expert assistance, Liu expressed skepticism:

Some workers would say, “We can run factories even without capitalists. Let us get organized to run cooperative factories.” What about the cooperative factories? Many have been set up, but not a single one is run with success.78

In his analysis of post-Liberation class structure, the critics point out, Mao said the fundamental contradiction would be between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and that it would emerge in the form of struggle between “restriction and opposition to restriction” of capitalism. Within the purview of “restriction,” the “biggest agent of the bourgeoisie” perceived “vast room for private enterprise to develop alongside the state-owned enterprises.” In fact, he proposed restrictions of the proletariat and protection of private industry under the slogans “joint public-private operation” and “mutual development.” “Mutual development” meant not only that half-private enterprisers might be incorporated into the socialist managerial elite, in a mutually profitable relationship with representatives of the proletariat. Even after basic completion of socialist transformation of ownership of the means of production in 1957, Liu reaffirmed his paternalistic solicitude for the welfare of progressive capitalists: “As long as the industrialists and businessmen follow the lead of the People’s Government and promote socialism with heart and soul… we will hold ourselves responsible for them to the end regardless of whether they are young or old, in sickness or in health.

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