3030037320 by Unknown
Author:Unknown
Language: eng
Format: epub
Published: 2018-11-27T03:58:17+00:00
6 THE GREAT DERAILMENT: PHILADELPHIA PUTSCH oF 1787 … 143
any political subjectivity and simply be remolded into an agglomeration
of individuals: “The confederacy is to make us one individual only: it is
to form us, like separate parcels of metal, into one common mass. We
shall no longer retain our separate individuality” (Adams 1850: 500).
Later on in 1785 James Wilson formulated a full-scale “argument” about
the confederation constitutionally preceding the states. The issue at hand
was the renewal of the Charter of the Bank of North America, of which
Wilson was an attorney and stockholder. The charter was given by both
the Continental Congress and the assembly of Pennsylvania. However,
the Pennsylvanian legislature, dominated by libertarians, revoked the
charter in 1785. Wilson argued that this was an illegal decision because
the authority of the Congress was older than that of the states, since it
was created before the Declaration of Independence. Hence, the acts
of the Congress trump the state laws, notwithstanding the Article III
of the Articles of Confederation, asserting exactly the opposite (Jensen
1943). Even more fantastically, Wilson argued that the formulation
“these United Colonies as free and independent states” did not refer to
the states severally, but rather to the Continental Congress as a supreme
legislative and executive body of the colonies (ibid.)! The time-honored
nationalist tradition of claiming that there was a union first, expressing
its will in the Continental Congress, which then created the states, 12
began as a self-serving attempt by Wilson, Gouverneur Morris, and
John Marshall to protect their bank profits from the legislature of
Pennsylvania.
economic nAtionAlism v liberAlism
All those piecemeal efforts in obliterating the subnational political
authorities and creating a sovereign and centralized government con-
spired with the economic doctrines of mercantilism and government
intervention espoused by the same circles. This surprisingly consist-
ent thinking of nationalists helps explain another phenomenon often
described in conventional historical accounts: the alleged “commercial
liberalism” of the nationalists, their “modern” economic ideas, their
devotion to classical liberalism and free markets, as opposed to the nar-
row-minded “agrarianism” of the anti-federalist and Jeffersonian forces.
12 This tradition includes Daniel Webster, Joseph Story, Abraham Lincoln, and the entire later nationalist political movement.
144
I. JANKoVIC
But, the real focal point of nationalist ideology was not “commercial”
or any other liberalism per se but rather mercantilist ideology which
only had commerce and manufacturing as its objects. Nationalists did not so much want to free the commerce as to manage it by the state. or
rather—to invoke the necessity of regulating commerce as a justification
for a strong central state that they wanted anyway.
When we study Alexander Hamilton’s economic doctrines and pol-
icies, it is quite clear that he did not support free markets and unbri-
dled capitalism but rather the conventional European mercantilist
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