What Do We Know about Civil Wars? by T. David Mason & Sara McLaughlin Mitchell
Author:T. David Mason & Sara McLaughlin Mitchell [Mason, T. David & Mitchell, Sara McLaughlin]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Rowman and Littlefield
Published: 2016-03-09T16:00:00+00:00
III
Emerging Trends in Civil War Research
11
Transitional Justice
Prospects for Postwar Peace and Human Rights
Jacqueline H. R. DeMeritt
In early 2011, Egyptians inspired by the Tunisian revolution launched a wave of popular protests. President Mubarak’s National Democratic Party and his military responded with violence, culminating in the February 2 attacks on demonstrators in Tahrir Square. Allegations of torture, killings, and sexual assaults surfaced, and on February 11, Mubarak stepped down. Power was transferred to Egypt’s Supreme Council of Armed Forces, which suspended the constitution and dissolved parliament. They vowed to transfer power to an elected civilian government, and Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood became Egypt’s first democratically elected president in June of 2012. Yet discontent increased and ultimately, millions took to the streets and called for Morsi to relinquish power. Egypt’s army intervened and took the reins of power in July 2013. Once again, the military suspended the constitution. Police backed by armored vehicles and bulldozers violently dispersed groups of Morsi’s supporters; hundreds were killed.
Political upheaval, civil war, and human rights are inextricably linked. State-perpetrated abuse of fundamental human rights leads to popular dissent, mobilizing the opposition and risking escalation to war (e.g., Gurr 1970; Lichbach 1995; Tilly 1978; Young 2012 and this volume). Abuse is more widespread and severe during war than at other times, as states employ repression to defeat their opposition (e.g., Hibbs 1973; Kalyvas 2000; Mason and Krane 1989; Poe and Tate 1994). And genocide, often considered the most heinous form of abuse, occurs almost exclusively in the context of civil and interstate war (e.g., Harff 2003; Krain 1997; Licklider 1995a; Valentino 2005).1
When international war ends, opponents return to their own distinct territories. But when civil war ends, the people remain together in the same country. To paraphrase Licklider (1993: 4), how do groups of people who have been killing one another with considerable enthusiasm and success come together in a single community? How can you coexist with the people who imprisoned, disappeared, tortured, or killed your parents, your children, your friends or lovers? How can Egyptians who lived through the recent uprising stabilize their world and move forward together?
Transitional justice (TJ) is the implementation of measures designed to redress legacies of mass human rights abuses during periods of radical political change, including democratization and civil war (Teitel 2000). As the International Center for Transitional Justice (ictj.org) notes, “it seeks recognition for the victims and to promote possibilities for peace, reconciliation, and democracy.” In Egypt, the Ministry for Transitional Justice and National Reconciliation was created in June 2014; it will consider the variety of institutions and processes that have evolved in pursuit of these goals, including (for example) criminal prosecutions, truth commissions, lustrations, and amnesties.2
The prima facie argument for transitional justice is clear. Advocates argue that holding individuals accountable for their abhorrent treatment of others satisfies fundamental principles of fairness. It pressures governments to adhere to publicly known and widely accepted standards of conduct and represents a break with a past in which the government failed to abide by those standards.
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