Theorising Transnational Migration by Boris Nieswand

Author:Boris Nieswand [Nieswand, Boris]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9780415853118
Barnesnoble:
Publisher: Taylor & Francis
Published: 2013-08-07T00:00:00+00:00

TRANSNATIONALISATION OF KINSHIP RELATIONSHIPS

As has been argued, cross-border kinship relationships contribute significantly to the stabilisation of transnational social fields. Reciprocity and solidarity within families connect migrants and non-migrants residing in different nation-states. In order to understand the logic of the transnationalisation of kinship relation in the case of Ghanaian migrants it is important to make some remarks on their specificity.

Most pre-colonial Akan societies privileged matrilineal in relation to patrilineal descent. This means that children belonged—and still belong—to the extended matrilineal family (abusua) of their mothers and not to that of their fathers. Despite the dominance of matrilineal decent, tensions between the principles of patrilineal and matrilineal kinship relations in determining obligations were already documented in pre-colonial Asante society (Fortes 1950: 261). However, colonial rule and the increasing influence of Christianity led to a strengthening of the role of patrilineal descent. In particular the relationship of men with their children gained significance at the expense of the relationship of men and their sisters’ children, for whom they were traditionally obliged to care (Okwuasa 1975). Nevertheless, in many regions of southern Ghana, matrilineal descent is still of relevance and particularly men have to manage to some extent two competing sets of obligations.

Reciprocity and the redistribution of resources within families represent the most important institutions of social security in Ghana. In this respect, chiefly the relationship between parents and children is of significance. Because divorces are frequent in Ghana and children normally remain with their mother’s family, the relationships between fathers and children are more fragile than the relationships between mothers and their children. This is also reflected in the context of kinship reciprocity. The degree to which children practically and financially support their fathers depends, more than in the case of mothers, on how much the former assisted their children while they were young. Van der Geest (1997; 1998: 337) showed in his case study about ageing in Ghana’s Eastern Region, that, above all, two variables determine the material and social well-being of old men. This is, on the one hand, building a house and, on the other hand, having supported one’s children sufficiently in young age, which concerns in particular the payment of school fees. Because houses often have rooms in which other family members can stay, and they are bequeathed by the owners to their relatives, both activities, building houses and paying school fees serve to create reciprocity claims among those who profited or will profit from it.

Obligations arising from kinship relationships necessitate that transnational migrants engage in cross-border activities. Particularly in cases in which significant inequalities exist between different members of the extended family, the transfer of resources is often a condition for the maintenance of contact with the family.

Generally, the system of delayed intergenerational reciprocity, on which the social security of old people in Ghana relies, is based on the distinction between persons belonging to the generation of one’s parents and those belonging to the generation of one’s children. While in the first case the support is understood

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