The Psychological Assessment of Presidential Candidates by Stanley A. Renshon

Author:Stanley A. Renshon [Renshon, Stanley A.]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Politics, Political Science, General
ISBN: 9781135265281
Google: pcVTAQAAQBAJ
Goodreads: 18703484
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 1996-05-01T00:00:00+00:00

The Domain of Relatedness: Interpersonal Relations

The third basic dimension of character is a person's stance toward interpersonal relations. In chapter 7 I noted that Horney (1937) theorized that individuals, as a result of early experience, develop an interpersonal style in which they move toward, away from, or against people. On the face of things, it seems clear that Clinton's interpersonal style is a movement toward people. Much has been made of his empathy and natural friendliness, and to a substantial degree (with some caveats to be noted), these characterizations appear accurate.5

Much has also been written about Clinton's difficulty in saying no (e.g., Clift 1993) and his eagerness to please (e.g., Klein 1993). Both are often attributed to “Clinton's well-known need to be liked.” Indeed, the brief biography of Governor Clinton that appeared on the front page of the New York Times on the day of his election was titled, “A Man Who Wants to Be Liked, and Is” (Kelly 1992e). However, at least two theoretical and factual difficulties stand in the way of this argument.

First there is the issue, already noted, of Clinton's very strong sense of self-confidence. Ordinarily, the need to be liked would not be associated with such high levels of personal confidence.6 Second, the idea of a need to be liked does not fully come to grips with Clinton's frequently observed tendency toward public and private displays of anger. During the nomination campaign, when Clinton was told (erroneously) that Jesse Jackson had come out in support of a party rival, Clinton, who was not aware that he was speaking near an open microphone, angrily denounced Jackson as a “back-stabber” (Berke 1992a, A14). When news reporters followed the president-elect onto a golf course, he lost his temper, cursed them, and complained to the manager of the club (Kelly 1992f).

Nor does the need-to-be-liked theory address another psychological tributary of Clinton's political style—his tendency to build up anger and then lash out against institutions or groups who oppose his policies. The press is one example of such a group, but there are others, including “lobbyists,” “special interests,” “profiteering drug companies,” “greedy doctors,” “muscle-bound” labor unions, and so on. Presidents, like others, can be known by and benefit from having certain kinds of enemies. However, for a man who is said to have such a strong need to be liked, the list of enemies is rather long and inclusive and his characterizations often somewhat harsh. Moreover, Clinton's tendency to develop enemies, even if partially for political purposes, runs counter to another important theme that he has often publicly expressed—the need to bring Americans together and stop practicing the politics of division.

Clinton's view of himself as an honorable person hounded by the press and his political opponents was central not only to the survival of his candidacy but to his view of himself. However, his own ambition and behavior were always an unacknowledged subtext in the controversies that gave rise to his feelings. It seems worthwhile, therefore, to explore at some greater length at least one of the “character issues” that arose during the campaign: the draft issue.

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