Lenin: A Revolutionary Life by Christopher Read

Author:Christopher Read [Read, Christopher]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: aVe4EvA
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2011-06-28T16:34:42+00:00

THE JULY DAYS

As the Revolution radicalized, so its opponents in the propertied middle and upper classes became increasingly fearful for their privileges. Krupskaya herself records seeing signs on the streets of Petrograd of the growing resistance to the left and the breakdown of the February honeymoon. In her work with young people she noted: ‘Young workers presented a striking contrast to the older groups of the middle school … The latter often approached the Kshesinskaya mansion in a crowd, hurling abuse at the Bolsheviks. It was apparent that they were put up to it by someone.’ [Krupskaya 300] During the crisis of April, when the Provisional Government came under pressure because of the publication of the Miliukov Note promising the Allies that Russian imperialist war aims had not changed as a result of February, Krupskaya noted a large workers’ demonstration coming from the Nevsky Gate. ‘Another crowd, wearing hats and bowlers moved towards the workers’ demonstration … The workers predominated near the Nevsky Gate but nearer to Morskaya Street and Poitsevsky Bridge the bowlers and hats were more numerous.’ Krupskaya quickly became aware of one of the most effective devices being used in such circles to undermine the Bolsheviks and other parts of the internationalist left. ‘The story was passing from mouth to mouth among the crowd of how Lenin had bribed the workers with German gold and now all were following him. “We must beat Lenin!” shouted a stylishly dressed young woman. “Kill all these scoundrels,” someone in a bowler roared.’ Krupskaya’s conclusion was that the events revealed the growing realities of the moment: ‘Class against Class! The working class stood for Lenin.’ [Krupskaya 301]

The patriotic card was being played increasingly by the government which had few other weapons in its locker for rousing public support. For a variety of reasons, from early May, the government was trying to reinvigorate the war by means of an offensive. This put it on a collision course, especially with the soldiers whose committees were frequently coalescing around the policy of supporting defensive operations only. They would resist attack but not take part in attacking the enemy. The government, which had promised not to remove troops from Petrograd in its foundation agreement with the Soviet in March, saw the renewed offensive as an opportunity to renege on this commitment and to move the most troublesome, that is the most radical-minded, military units out of Petrograd. There was a problem of where they might go because front-line officers did not want what they saw as a mutinous rabble dumped on their doorsteps. Be that as it may, the crisis boiled up. The failure of the offensive in early July added to the heat, each side blaming the other. The left said it should never have been undertaken in the first place, the right blamed the soldiers’ committees and soviets for undermining its efforts. In Petrograd the conjuncture had also brought a political crisis and the first coalition government had broken up on 2 July (OS) and no second coalition had been formed to replace it.

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