Killing the Deep State: The Fight to Save President Trump by Corsi Jerome R

Author:Corsi, Jerome R. [Corsi, Jerome R.]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Political Science, American Government, National, Executive Branch, Commentary & Opinion, POL030000 Political Science / American Government / National
ISBN: 9781630061029
Google: mtKMtAEACAAJ
Amazon: 1630061026
Publisher: Humanix Books
Published: 2018-03-12T18:30:00+00:00

Same Ukrainian Group Contracting Manafort Also Contracted Podesta Group

Special Counselor Robert Muller, in his investigation into Tony Podesta, disclosed that the same Ukrainian group, the European Centre for a Modern Ukraine (ECMU), that established a public relations contract with Paul Manafort also established a similar contract with the Podesta Group.

On December 20, 2013, in a disclosure largely ignored by the mainstream media as the Manafort controversy developed after the 2016 election, Reuters reported that ECMU had paid $900,000 to the Podesta Group for a two-year contract aimed at improving the image of the Yanukovych government in the United States. The Podesta Group told Reuters they were implementing this plan through contacts with key congressional Democrats.36 To date, the mainstream media has focused attention largely only on the contract that Manafort’s K-Street firm, Davis, Manafort & Freedman, established with the ECMU, not the contract established by the Podesta Group.

On February 21, 2014, Russian leader Vladimir Putin helped then president Yanukovych flee violent protests seeking to oust him from office. Yanukovych flew out of Ukraine and traveled through Crimea to arrive in Russia, where he has remained, trying desperately to restore himself to power back home in Kiev.37 The background of the controversy traces back to 2007, when Yanukovych’s political party, Ukraine’s Party of Regions, hired the ECMU to perform an “extreme makeover,” repositioning the party from being perceived as a “haven for Donetsk-based mobsters and oligarchs” into that of a legitimate political party.38

In Manafort’s case, opponents have failed to document that Manafort ever received some $12.7 million in some 22 previously undisclosed cash payments from Yanukovych’s pro-Russian party, as supposedly documented by “black ledger” entries revealed by Ukraine’s National Anti-Corruption Bureau.39 Yet this “evidence” was sufficient for New York Times reporters to conclude that Manafort had hidden back-channel ties to Putin financed by under-the-table payments arranged via Ukraine.40

From there, the Democratic Party narrative charges that Manafort never registered as a foreign agent with the US Justice Department, which would only have been required if he was contracted with the Ukrainian government, not with a political party in Ukraine, and that Manafort transferred his close relationship with Putin (via Yanukovych) to the Trump campaign. It turns out that the Podesta Group filed disclosures with the Justice Department, but only after the work Manafort was doing for ECMU was reported in the press.41

The Democratic Party narrative continues to suggest that Manafort’s close relationship to the Kremlin allowed him to position the Trump campaign to receive hacked emails that embarrassed the Clinton campaign by exposing the efforts Debbie Wasserman Schultz, as chairman of the DNC, took to rig the primaries for Hillary, to the distinct disadvantage of challenger, Senator Bernie Sanders. However, this entire story is thrown into disarray if the Podesta brothers, via the Podesta Group, have tighter and more easily documentable financial ties to Russia, involving far greater numbers than have ever been suggested tie Manafort to Russia via Ukraine.

CNN further reported on August 19, 2016, that the Podesta Group had issued

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