Govan Mbeki by Colin Bundy

Author:Colin Bundy [Bundy, Colin]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Biography & Autobiography, Social Activists, History, Africa, General
ISBN: 9780821444597
Google: gtUvfrv7odoC
Publisher: Ohio University Press
Published: 2013-04-09T16:06:20+00:00

In addition to his sustained intellectual engagement with developments in the Transkei, and his attention to forms of peasant resistance, Mbeki during his Port Elizabeth years sought through political practice to link rural and urban struggles. He did so in several ways. Firstly, he travelled frequently to rural areas, in the Ciskei and in the Transkei. The contacts that have received most attention were two trips to Mpondoland once the revolt there had begun; but he also held meetings in Peddie, Middledrift, Tsomo, Lady Frere, Cala and other centres. Govan’s first contact with the Mpondo resisters was agreed by the Party leadership in Port Elizabeth, despite Mhlaba’s scepticism (‘I felt that the revolt was doomed and wanted it to end’). Govan and his friend Tolly Bennun wanted to respond to the approach the rebels had made. Bennun owned a leather factory in Uitenhage – an unlikely calling, but excellent cover for an active underground Communist and subsequently MK technician. The pair travelled with Govan driving, in a chauffeur’s white coat, and Bennun seated in the rear: a colour-coded disguise that turned racial stereotyping to an advantage. Govan’s key contact in Pondoland was the young Anderson Ganyile, a protégé. He made a second visit, also in 1960, and met Mpondo resisters in Durban as well.

Secondly, Govan made a particular point of organising within the migrant single quarters, contacting migrant workers who historically had little to do with urban politics. Migrant workers were housed in hostels, called Oondokwenza locally, and Mbeki was proud of the underground links set up with the sector: ‘we did something here that had not been done anywhere else’. Single-quarter housing was normally allocated to men who came from the same rural locations. They knew each other, which facilitated the creation of structures and practices for taking collective decisions, and for raising and saving funds. The ANC recognised these informal structures and hierarchies and used them as points of entry to the hostels. Once trust was established, Mbeki and others would select individuals, and provide them with intensive political tuition. They would then serve as emissaries to the countryside, introducing urban activists to key local figures, providing them with safe houses. ‘Again, it was this connection, rural and urban,’ Govan emphasised. Migrants recruited in this way proved crucial after Sharpeville, when the ANC was operating entirely underground. Andrew Masondo told Sifiso Ndlovu, in an interview, how he became a rural area organiser: ‘I worked in the Rural Area Organisers’ cell under Govan. I worked with Vuyisile Mini, James Kati, Mayekiso, and Mkhabela … We, the Eastern Cape, developed a very good way of organising the rural areas’, shuttling between city and countryside along a circuit of known sympathisers.

Thirdly, Mbeki was particularly keen to ensure that his favoured weapon – the underground leaflet – was distributed as widely as possible in the Ciskei and Transkei. Production of these was centralised and made more efficient. Individual branches in Port Elizabeth were advised to jettison their typewriters and duplicators: too many in operation was a security risk.

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