Does America Need a Foreign Policy? by Henry Kissinger

Author:Henry Kissinger
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Simon & Schuster

WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?

America’s Asian policy should liberate itself from facile slogans and begin to act on the basis of some of the following operating principles:

First, America’s national interest in Asia is to prevent domination of the continent by any single power, especially an adversarial one; to enlist the contribution of Asian nations to overall global prosperity; and to mitigate intra-Asian conflicts. All of these interests are best served by keeping open the option of constructive relationships with all these countries without declaring any one of them to be an inherent opponent, unless its actions give us no other choice.

Second, the best way for the United States to defend Asia against any hegemonic threat is by maintaining a superior military establishment and conducting a foreign policy compatible with the national objectives of those major Asian nations whose goals are compatible with its own. A military defense of the Asian balance of power presupposes that the Asian nations maintain a balance to be defended, and ensuring that will require a much more complex political effort than was the case in Europe.

Third, the alliance with Japan remains the bedrock of America’s Asian policy. Special care must be taken to ensure that Japan’s leaders understand that the United States has no more important relationship in Asia and that Japan has a major voice in the design of American policy. Access to energy is bound to become a principal concern and perhaps an element of competition. These issues must be on the agenda of any dialogue.

Fourth, a similar intensive dialogue is needed with India, especially for the region from Singapore to Aden. America’s interest is primarily geopolitical; India is as much concerned about the impact of Islamic developments on its own population. The United States is mostly concerned about Iran and Iraq; India is more focused on Afghanistan and the subventions the Taliban receives from Saudi Arabia, with which America is allied. Nevertheless, the conditions for a constructive strategic dialogue exist.

Fifth, insofar as Sino-American relations can be shaped by American policy, they should be based on the recognition that China, by virtue of its population, history, culture, and geographic position, is an indispensable component of a constructive Asian policy, and this requires a settled policy, not a slogan. Confrontation should be a last resort, not a preferred option. A constructive relationship between the United States and China is not a favor either country does for the other, and it will withstand the stress of time only if it is based on some conception of a common interest. A sustained geopolitical dialogue between China and the United States is therefore imperative—to create a safer international order should it succeed, to prove to the American public and America’s allies that Washington has gone the extra mile should it fail. The challenge is not to invent words to describe the dialogue but to give it a content relevant to the future. The United States and China, the most technologically advanced nation and the country with

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