Comparative Perspectives on Work-Life Balance and Gender Equality by Margaret O'Brien & Karin Wall

Comparative Perspectives on Work-Life Balance and Gender Equality by Margaret O'Brien & Karin Wall

Author:Margaret O'Brien & Karin Wall
Language: eng
Format: epub, pdf
Publisher: Springer International Publishing, Cham


8.3 Theoretical Background

In all Nordic countries, but especially in Sweden, fathers’ right to parental leave has been regarded as a prerequisite for gender equality in society. Accordingly, fathers have the same rights as mothers to leave and policymakers aim to increase fathers’ leave use by various reforms. Perhaps most importantly, cultural norms support fathers’ use of leave (Haas and Rostgaard 2011).

Compared to other societies, Sweden stands out as having more gender egalitarian policies (see for example Gornick and Meyers 2008) and the goal of gender equality is taken for granted. Nevertheless, when scrutinized closely, researchers have noted that there are other policy directions present as well, such as a focus on individual choice, which sometimes conflicts with the pursuit of gender equality (Ferrarini and Duvander 2010). The persistence of an uneven division of leave and childcare responsibility, as well as inequality in the labour market (see Försäkringskassan 2013) suggests that a gender perspective is necessary for an analysis of fathers’ experiences of leave in Sweden.

The gender perspective assumes that gender is a social construction and an important aspect of social structure, whereby institutionalized social practices categorize people into males and females and establish systems of inequality around those differences (Ridgeway and Correll 2000). A fundamental component of a gendered society is a division of labour, with women regarded as more suited for childcare and men for breadwinning. Mothers’ greater childcare responsibility includes more time caring for and supervising children and taking more responsibility for children’s welfare – keeping in mind details and planning related to childrearing (Doucet 2009). Men’s breadwinning activities have provided them with more economic resources and power in the family (Polatnick 1983).

When gender-egalitarian social policy targets fathers’ attitudes and behavior, change in the gender order seems possible. According to Ahlberg et al. (2008: 11), in Sweden “the room for maneuver on the part of individuals has increased concurrently with a reduction in the compulsive power of norms.” While Swedish policy assumes both men and women benefit from reconstruction of the gendered order (Klinth 2013), one can question whether policy challenges men’s greater privileges and power in society (Bekkengen 2002). The focus has been on men’s rights and what they may gain by greater childcare involvement, rather than on demanding that they take an equal share of responsibility (Almqvist et al. 2011; Klinth 2013).

Men’s experiences of parental leave are closely linked to gender practices and multiple, interrelated levels of social structure are at play. First, the institutional level and policy context set the framework under which men negotiate integration of employment with family life. Secondly, the cultural level, including norms and values concerning fatherhood and gender equality, consciously or unconsciously sets the boundaries for what is possible. Third, negotiations at the workplace level to a large degree determine fathers’ participation in family life. Fourth, at the family level fathers and mothers negotiate amount and timing of leave and the domestic division of labour. Lastly, at the individual level, fathers’ personal identities as employees and caregivers are socially constructed and impact their leave experiences.



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