Caste, Class and Democracy by Vijai P. Singh

Author:Vijai P. Singh [Singh, Vijai P.]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: History, Asia, General, Social Science, Sociology
ISBN: 9781351529921
Google: BSIuDwAAQBAJ
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2017-07-12T01:30:26+00:00

Caste Inequality

Ritual distinctions between castes were widely recognized during the period 1930-46. They greatly influenced the patterns of social relations. Housing patterns in the villages followed caste lines in such a way that higher castes occupied the center of the village, middle castes were located beyond the higher castes at some distance, while the lower castes were concentrated on the periphery in small clusters. These housing arrangements influenced patterns of interaction among the people of the different castes. Castes living in close proximity naturally interacted more than castes living farther apart. Physical facilities (such as wells) in the high-caste neighborhood were not accessible to lower castes. Different sides of village ponds were allocated to the lower castes. Low-caste people refrained from passing by the high-caste homes to avoid the ridicule and reprimands that might come from people fearing pollution from physical contact with them. The castes in the middle range normally waited to use facilities of any sort until after the higher castes had finished using them.

There was a primary school located in Jaiti which was supposed to serve the needs of both Ratu and Bhagu. The children from the lower castes were discouraged by high-caste teachers and the high caste inhabitants of Jaiti, but most middle-range castes were tolerated in the school. Some of the lower-caste children of the villages went to other neighboring villages, where higher castes had less control over the functioning of the schools.

Such menial and lowly occupations as carrying dead cattle out of the village, collecting dung to be sprinkled on the fields for fertilizer, plowing the fields, carrying the palanquin, and serving as village musicians and washermen were performed by the lower castes and exhibited low ritual and occupational status. The practices of eating pork and feast-leftovers and not wearing anything below one’s knees, and of standing at a distance in a humble fashion while talking to high-caste persons were common among the lower castes. Therefore, factors such as housing patterns, limitations on the use of physical facilities, practice of traditional occupations, modes of dress, and even physical posture in intercaste interactions were important in the functioning of ritual hierarchy. The nature of traditional occupations and commensal rules were the most important indicators of relative ritual status in this area.

During 1930-46, Jaiti had strict ritual distinctions. The opinions and behaviors of the Brahmins of Jaiti and Ratu defined the ritual status of the different castes. There were no Brahmins in Bhagu, at any time, but close contacts with Ratu and Jaiti and the influence of its only absentee Brahmin zamindar served as points of reference for caste ranking. The ties between Jaiti and Bhagu were very close. In fact, Bhagu’s two political factions were aligned with the two prominent Brahmin factions of Jaiti.

The Brahmins in Jaiti and Ratu did not eat with Kshatriyas, but they expected courtesy and ritual respect from them. There were castes in the middle and at the lower levels whose relative ritual rankings changed from context to context; but Kshatriyas cooperated with Brahmins in maintaining such elaborate ritual distinctions.

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