Ambedkar: An Overview by Ambedkar B. R

Author:Ambedkar, B. R. [Ambedkar, B. R.]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Published: 0101-01-01T00:00:00+00:00

Whether the scheme of functional representation will promote better harmony between the various classes and sections than communal representation does is more than doubtful. In addition to perpetuating existing social and religious divisions, it may quite easily intensify class struggle by emphasizing class consciousness. The scheme appears innocuous, but its real character will come out when every class will demand representation in proportion to its numbers. Be that as it may, functional representation is not the most significant feature of the Hyderabad scheme of Reforms. The most significant feature of the scheme is the proposed division of seats between Hindus and Musalmans in the new Hyderabad Legislature. Under the scheme as approved by H.E.H. the Nizam, communal representation is not altogether banished. It is retained along with functional representation. It is to operate through joint electorates. But there is to be equal representation for ‘the two majority communities’ on every 51 elective body including the legislature, and no candidate can succeed unless he secures 40 per cent, of the votes polled by—members of his community. This principle of equal representation to Hindus and Muslims irrespective of their numbers 52 is not only to apply to every elective body but it is to apply to both elected as well as nominated members of the body.

In justification of this theory of equal representation it is stated that:

‘The importance of the Muslim community in the state, by virtue of its historical position and its status in the body politic, is so obvious that it cannot be reduced to the status of a minority in the Assembly.’

Quite recently there have appeared in the press the proposals formulated by one Mr Mir Akbar Ali Khan calling himself the leader of the Nationalist Party, as a means of settling the Hindu–Muslim problem in British India. They are as follows:

(1) The future Constitution of India must rest upon the broad foundation of adequate military defence of the country and upon making the people reasonably military-minded. The Hindus must have the same military-mindedness as the Muslims.

(2) The present moment offers a supreme opportunity for the two communities to ask for the defence of India being made over to them. The Indian Army must consist of an equal number of Hindus and Muslims and no regiment should be on a communal, as distinguished from regional, basis.

(3) The Governments in the provinces and at the Centre should be wholly National Governments composed of men who are reasonably military-minded. Hindu and Muslim ministers should be equal in number in the Central as well as all Provincial cabinets; other important minorities might wherever necessary be given special representation. This scheme will function most satisfactorily with joint electorates, but in the present temper of the country separate electorates might be continued. The Hindu ministers must be elected by the Hindu members of the legislature and the Muslim ministers by the Muslim members.

(4) The cabinet is to be removable only on an express vote of no-confidence, against the cabinet as a whole, passed by

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