The Hawks of Peace Notes of the Russian Ambassador by Dmitry Rogozin
Author:Dmitry Rogozin [Rogozin, Dmitry]
Language: rus
Format: epub
ISBN: 978-1-78267-011-7
Publisher: Glagoslav Publications
All is fair in love and war, especially all that helps to conceal genuine intentions and facts. But had this “birdspeak” worked; did it help to hide the facts of massacre in Yugoslavia? And why not a single tribunal in the world takes these facts into account? Were it not the USA fighter jets and missile planes that bombed Belgrade in the spring of 1999, destroying all bridges over the Danube River, killing 2,000 civilians, and rendering another 7,000 disabled? Were they not NATO troops that spread 23 tons of depleted uranium-238 across Serbia, causing radiation sickness in half a million people? Why Serbs, who were protecting their homes from fire and violence, and not NATO, or the Kosovo terrorists from Maoist armed groups were declared real criminals?
The answer is simple: it was done to cover up the true perpetrators of the Yugoslav tragedy — politicos of the West. They sent Serbs to their deaths; the Orthodox Christians died because they merely wanted to defend their homeland.
I vividly remember my final meeting with Milosevic. It took place a month before the elections in Serbia at which he lost infamously.
The two of us talked for over three hours. Many signs betrayed that Milosevic was sensing the approaching finale. He was pulling one cigarette after another out of a Davidoff pack and chain-smoked. His hands were trembling all the time, and he was hiding them under the table.
During the conversation he kept coming back to the same subject: the Kremlin had betrayed him. Milosevic was blaming most of all Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov as well as Chernomyrdin, who, on behalf of President Yeltsin, negotiated with the Finnish mediator Ahtisaari the terms of the Yugoslav Army withdrawal from Kosovo in exchange for cessation of NATO bombardment.
I don’t know if Milosevic realised that he himself had played too many games with the West. Being one of the creators of Dayton Agreement 1, he forced Bosnian Serbs to surrender and sentenced them to a political defeat. Did Milosevic not realise that the same Western politicians, who were condescendingly tapping him on the back, were bound to give him over to The Hague as they had done with other Serbian soldiers and officers?
Even so, the arrests of Milosevic and Karadzic and their deportation to The Hague left the Belgrade liberals with the permanent mark of dishonesty on the uniform and on their conscience. Installed by Americans, they gave their national leaders over upon the very first demand of bloodthirsty prosecutor Carla del Ponte. If, for instance, Milosevic was guilty, then why the liberals of Belgrade decided not to put him on trial in his country? Or did they not believe in the justice and objectivity of their national Court of Tribunal? Or did they have something to be weary of, like national anger or some unwelcome revelations?
Such is the anti-national essence of “liberals” — their own people intimidate them more than death itself. But a national will outlive politicians and time. National memory erases facts and events, but it cannot forget a humiliation.
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