Harriet Martineau's Writing on British History and Military Reform, vol 4 by Deborah Logan Kathryn Sklar

Harriet Martineau's Writing on British History and Military Reform, vol 4 by Deborah Logan Kathryn Sklar

Author:Deborah Logan, Kathryn Sklar [Deborah Logan, Kathryn Sklar]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: History, General, Reference, Civilization
ISBN: 9781000161748
Google: NRb8DwAAQBAJ
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2020-09-10T16:00:44+00:00


* Annual Register, 1837, misc. 370.

* Bulletin, June 26, 1837.

† Annual Register, 1837, Chron. 60.

* Annual Register, 1837, p. 237.

* Annual Register, 1837, Chron. 62.

† Penny Cyclop. xxvii. p. 400.

* Annual Register, 1837, Chron. p. 73.

CHAPTER X.

IN his speech of reprobation against the ministers, before quoted, Lord Lyndhurst said he saw ‘but one ray of comfort shining upon’ the prospects of the country: he augured much from the character of the new sovereign. His party generally saw something brighter in the future, — more rays of comfort than one.

The Melbourne Ministry was reduced to its lowest point of weakness and shame. After the elections of 1831, only six county seats had been held by Tory members, and the Whig government had a majority of 300. That majority had declined to 26; and, after the elections on the demise of the Crown, it sank again to 12. The Tories thought that a vigorous effort at the beginning of a new reign might give them every thing; and they were evidently resolved to spare no exertions to unseat six Reformers at least, and thus obtain a majority in the House. The case of the Whigs was desperate; and there is a tone in the political pamphlets of the time which shows this. The people were weary of the eternal disputes and party conflicts about Irish questions and Church questions, while the great interests that were dear to the Liberals of England and Scotland stood over for discussion in a future time which seemed further off every session. When a Ministry knows what it is about, and sets well about its work, the opposition helps to govern the country, and does it almost as effectually, by testing and purifying government measures, as the responsible party itself; but the Melbourne Administration was so weak and unskilful as to render the opposition purely destructive; and this was more than the country would or could bear. No small number of the Radical party themselves, and multitudes of the moderates throughout the country, began to declare that they hoped the Tories would get into office, so that the Whigs might recover vigor in opposition, and that the two reforming parties might once more come into union, and the country be, in one way or another, really governed once more. In such a condition of affairs, it was natural that the Conservatives should suppose themselves about to step into the seats of power. They were already making declarations, or dropping hints of what they should do in such a case: they should not repeal the poor-law, nor interfere with any expressed and fulfilled decision of Parliament on any subject; but should preserve the Church from further spoliation; and so forth.

The alarm of the Whigs in office and their supporters is very evident now, to the reader of the election speeches and political pamphlets of 1837. The first thing they did was to assume full and exclusive possession of the young Queen’s favor, and to use to the utmost the advantage of her name in the elections.



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