Burglars On The Job: Streetlife and Residential Break-ins by Wright Richard T. & Decker Scott H

Author:Wright, Richard T. & Decker, Scott H.
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Northeastern
Published: 1994-09-10T04:00:00+00:00

Effecting an Entry

Once offenders have satisfied themselves that occupancy does not present a problem, there is little reason for further delay. After all, they typically are under pressure to act, have selected a target, and believe that conditions for the crime are favorable; there is nothing to be gained, and potentially much to be lost, by waiting.

Once you got [the place] cased and got the information, what you got to think about now? You think too long, then somebody’s gonna come back and you ain’t gon be able to do nothing. (No. 022)

It is time for them to “get busy,” that is, to effect an entry. For most offenders, this is the moment of greatest anxiety. It represents the last point at which they could turn back without having committed a criminal offense. And it also represents the first point at which they could encounter serious risks, including the possibility of being caught, injured, or killed. Nevertheless, they must continue to maintain their composure: their actions remain open to public view, at least potentially, and they do not want to arouse suspicion. The challenge is for them to project a conventional appearance while going about the task of getting into the prospective target (Katz, 1988).

Virtually all of the offenders in our sample agreed that in order to convey a conventional appearance it was crucial to avoid any hint of hesitation. From their perspective, appearing hesitant risked inviting unwelcome attention from neighbors, passers-by or, worse yet, the police. Accordingly, most of them did not want to stand outside a target looking for the best way to get into that particular place. Rather they preferred to operate on the basis of rules of thumb derived from past experience.

[M]ostly doors are locked, so there’s that right there—you ain’t gonna get in. Okay, so never . . . go for the door cause door is usually gonna be locked, just go right for the window. And don’t hesitate! Don’t hesitate, you know, like standing around the back of the house, “Should we do it? Shouldn’t we do it?” If you’re there, do it! Okay? (Jhon Do—No. 087)

Through trial and error the offenders had developed “cognitive scripts” (Forgas, 1979; Rumgay, 1992), essentially routinized mental blueprints that established the way in which targets should be entered. The scripts allowed them to move forward confidently and without undue delay despite the fact that they were under considerable stress. However, the scripts employed by the offenders varied widely. Some called for an entrance through the front door, while others prescribed the use of a rear window. But all had one thing in common; they were oriented toward keeping the offenders from being noticed, though they did not invariably involve actions designed to prevent the offenders from being seen. In fact, a number of the offenders relied on scripts that directed them to enter dwellings in full public view, using routine or normalcy as a cover so as not to arouse the curiosity of possible onlookers. Subjects who possessed

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