Tikopia Ritual and Belief (Routledge Revivals) by Raymond Firth

Author:Raymond Firth [Firth, Raymond]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Social Science, Anthropology, Cultural & Social, General, Popular Culture
ISBN: 9781136505430
Google: Gp8kziJyteoC
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2012-11-12T03:41:28+00:00

KINDS OF ‘MAGIC’ AND THEIR PRACTITIONERS

To facilitate this discussion the Tikopia practices can be classified roughly under the same heads as I used for the classification of Maori economic magic: ‘magic’ of production; of protection; of destruction1. (This can be done, since in a broad sense the aim of all magic is the increase, maintenance or decrease of resources, material or immaterial.) Examples of the Tikopia ‘magic’ of production are the formula for inducing plants to grow when they are set in the ground; the formulae for catching fish. An example of the ‘magic’ of protection is tying on of the ritualized Cordyline leaf necklet to preserve a person in good health. An example of the ‘magic’ of destruction is sorcery directed against persons or food.

In Tikopia there are no ‘magicians’ as such, that is, people who specialize in the recital of formulae and performance of associated ritual for practical ends, as their major occupation. Every performer of ‘magic’ is something else as well—a fisherman, a chief, a spiritmedium. But the social position of the of ‘magical’ performer tends to vary according to the type of ‘magic’ performed.

In theory, the ‘magic’ of production may be carried out by any member of Tikopia society. With few exceptions, anyone who has the knowledge can recite the formula and perform the appropriate actions, irrespective of status in the social order. In practice, nearly all ‘magic’ of production is performed by men, since nearly all the tasks for which it is appropriate are those normally done by men. Only in such matters as preparation of soi(an aerial yam), or collection of crabs is there scope for use of ‘magic’ by women. There are however, practices, of oral education and a theory of entitlement which set some limits to the practical application of of ‘magical’ procedures. Education in esoteric as in exoteric matters in Tikopia is not highly formalized and is apt to be spasmodic and irregular. A possessor of knowledge normally expects to hand it on to his eldest son or grandson, or possibly, to his sister's son; but there are few effective sanctions for this, and early death or lethargy are apt to intervene. Hence knowledge of productive ‘magic’ is very uneven. Some people try to use ‘magic’ without having been properly taught, but especially in the more important spheres, they lay themselves open to scorn for doing so. Lack of specific entitlement in itself is not regarded as rendering the ‘magic’ invalid, but increases the probability that it is in fact incorrect, and so useless. The theory of entitlement is directly relevant, however, with productive ‘magic’ which, like that of the fifinga vaka or raufangota manu, forms part of regular series of performances. Here the normal person to perform the ‘magic’ can only be he who is entitled to carry out the series as a whole, that is, the chief of the clan. In exceptional circumstances of illness or senility of the chief his heir might officiate, but simply as a substitute.

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