Aspects of European History 1789-1980 (University Paperbacks) by Stephen J. Lee

Author:Stephen J. Lee [Lee, Stephen J.]
Language: eng
Format: mobi
Tags: Humanities
Publisher: Taylor and Francis
Published: 2008-01-27T16:00:00+00:00

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21

Mussolini

A.J.P.Taylor once described Mussolini as 'a vain blundering boaster without either ideas or aims', while the Fascism over which he presided had far less 'drive' than the Nazi movement.1 This view will provide the basic terms of reference for the examination in this chapter of the career of Italy's dictator between 1922 and 1943. The first section will analyse his rise to power, focusing on his opportunism and the means by which he exploited the weaknesses of the establishment. The second will examine the methods by which he maintained his power, the extent to which he left the previous administrative structure standing, and the aura of the personality cult or 'Mussolinianism'. The third will deal with his decline—the result of personal defects, growing weaknesses within the system, and the damaging effects of the close connection with Nazi Germany.

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The most striking thing about Mussolini's early years was his commitment to the extreme Left of the Socialist Party. He certainly had orthodox views on class struggle, stating in 1908 that 'the interests of the proletariat are opposed to those of the middle class. No agreement between them is possible. One or the other must disappear.'2 He was also uncompromising in his condemnation of nationalism and imperialism, and he said of the Tripolitan venture: 'The national flag is a rag that should be placed in a dunghill'.

By 1922, however, Mussolini's beliefs had been transformed. He abandoned his attachment to the Left and announced in a speech: 'We declare war on socialism.'3 He was also converted to the principles of the free market, claiming that capitalism constituted a centuries-old and irreplaceable set of values. Imperialism he now regarded as 'the eternal, immutable law of life',4 while Catholicism, which he had once denounced, now became one of the sources of 'the imperial and Latin tradition of Rome'.5

The explanation of this volte face is that Mussolini's only really consistent belief was in the necessity of direct involvement. He claimed, in 1932, that 'My own doctrine…had always been a doctrine of action'.2 Explaining his inconsistency over Italy's entry into the First World War, he argued: 'Only maniacs never change. New facts call for new positions'.4 Above all else, therefore, he was an opportunist, and his real strength lay in his having no overall system and no ideological straightjacket.

This pragmatism enabled Mussolini to make full use of the chaotic conditions of post-war Italy. His rise to power was a combination of parliamentary manoeuvre and extra-parliamentary radical pressure. He played upon the weaknesses and divisions within the executive and legislature in such a way that the Fascists assumed far greater importance than the thirty-five seats which they had won in the 1921 general election would seem to warrant. He also instructed the local Fascist leaders, like Balbo, to create havoc, and early results of this activity were the capture of Ferrara by 63,000 Fascists and their successful move against the strike called by the socialists. The high point of Mussolini's emphasis on 'action', however, was

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