Rituals, Collapse, and Radical Transformation in Archaic States by Murphy Joanne M. A.;

Author:Murphy, Joanne M. A.;
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Taylor & Francis Group
Published: 2020-12-15T00:00:00+00:00

Discussion

Like Dainzú, Monte Albán saw a significant increase in construction activity and population growth in the Late Classic. The main plaza grew to its final size and layout, with more restrictive access than had existed earlier (Blanton 1978:63–66). The number of occupied terraces increased substantially, and a large civic-ceremonial precinct was built on nearby Cerro Atzompaʼs summit (Blanton 1978:88–91; Robles García and Andrade Cuautle 2011). At the same time, the settlement patterns at other sites in the Oaxaca Valley mirrored these changes. This was to be the apogee of Monte Albán, representing the most widespread social and political cohesion achieved by the ancient Zapotec in the central valleys (Marcus and Flannery 1996). At the end of this period, however, Monte Albán saw a great decline in its influence, resulting in the slow abandonment of the site (Winter 2003). Winter et al. (2007) note that while Monte Albán was no longer occupied, people continued to leave offerings among the abandoned temples into the Colonial period.

Flannery, Marcus, and their contributors (1983:183–216) suggest that toward the end of the Late Classic, Monte Albánʼs power and influence began to wane and other valley centers like Zaachila, Cuilapan, Lambityeco, El Palmillo, and Macuilxóchitl were becoming less integrated and more independent, perhaps even competing with the capital city as well as among themselves. Subsequent data from Kowalewski et al.ʼs (1989) survey as well as Finstenʼs (1995) and Elson’s (2011) work at Jalieza and Lind and Urcid’s (2010) work at Lambityeco seem to support this conclusion. Additionally, Paddock and Bernal (1970:212) concluded that settlement in the eastern Tlacolula Valley shifted away from lower-lying piedmont settlements, such as Lambityeco, toward more defensible hilltop sites, such as Yagul. The regional survey data showed this pattern to be widespread, leading researchers to propose this time as a period of heightened competition between neighboring centers (Kowalewski, et al. 1989; Paddock and Bernal 1970:210–225).

Joyce (2004) proposed that changes in the layout and design of civic-ceremonial architecture at Monte Albán in the Late Classic reflect attempts by ruling elites to solidify their hereditary social status by restricting public access to ceremonial space. In support of this, he points to the marked increase in the number of temple–plaza structures at Monte Albán. These Temple–Patio–Altar complexes were first described by Winter (1986), which he characterized as a “formalized ritual ceremonial precinct … [that] consists of a large enclosed patio with a small raised platform or altar in the center and a temple situated atop a platform on one side of the patio” (1989:45–46). Although these complexes first appear at Monte Albán, their presence extends to other Oaxaca Valley centers in the Late Classic. Excavations undertaken at Lambityeco have led to a more extensive classification and understanding of these monuments (Lind and Urcid 1983, 2010), as the residences of the political and religious elite were found adjacent to the ceremonial complexes, thereby indicating those elites were taking possession of, and restricting access to, these sacred spaces. Additionally, the ceremonial plazas were walled-in, making portions of the rites that took place in the compound invisible to outside observers.

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