Transatlantic Transitions by Imtiaz Hussain

Author:Imtiaz Hussain
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Springer Singapore, Singapore

Trans-governmental Dynamics

Intense trans-governmental networks have driven inter-governmental interactions between South America and both the United States and West European states. In spite of multiple manifestations, success can never be taken for granted: these networks find themselves stranded when socialist Latin governments retreat from integrative commitments; or when European countries, facing upgrading constraints of their own, promote individual country-specific stakes across Latin America (as with Colombia and Peru ) over collective, or selective group advancements (as across Central America ); while the United States also experienced its own fluctuating Latin temperatures following 9/11, the war on terrorism , and its constant association with security considerations.

The 1999 Rio Summit (also called the Bi-Regional Summit , itself a first inter-regional foray) may have been built upon the 1986 Rio Group rapport, but a ‘dialogue’ began with the European Community only from 1990, dealing, not as much with transatlantic flows as such intangible issues like human rights, poverty reduction, as well as peace and security, although tangible (and threatening) drug flows were also incorporated. These discussions graduated to the regular ministerial level after 1999, but particularly when the Rio Group merged with its northern counterpart, CALC (Cumbres América Latina y Caribé) , in 2010, the resultant Community of Latin and Caribbean Countries (CELAC) continued with that tradition. In the 2015 CELAC meeting, the Rio Summit was rechristened European-Union-Latin and Caribbean countries (EU-LAC) , hoping, as ever, to revitalize transatlantic bonds. It still remains far from its FTA goal.

Though there are no counterparts to the Bi-Regional Summits in European relations with the Andean Community , these have also been managed at the trans-governmental level since they began in 1993 with a ‘framework agreement ’ agenda, elevated in 2003 to the ‘political dialogue and cooperation’ phase. This seems to be a trans-governmental European pattern: from a ‘framework’ to a ‘dialogue’, then an ‘associational’ EU member phase before any free trade arrangements , and that too, bilaterally before multilaterally. Colombia and Peru were plucked out of this group for bilateral comprehensive free trade agreements, based upon ministerial-level reports of their relatively more rapid liberalization, democratic consolidation, and fetter-free progress on both fronts. Questions arise if the inter-regional negotiations (for example, the Bi-Regional Summit ) fill in a photo opportunity plank or tackle substantive issues.

At least the cream South American regional grouping, MERCOSUR , initiated independent transatlantic relations with the European Union . In 1995 an Inter-regional Framework Cooperation Agreement was concluded, effective from 1999, while a three-pillar association agreement negotiations began (only to face a topsy-turvy future owing to stalemated negotiations over trade). At least nine rounds of negotiations have taken place between the responsible agencies for market access exchanges on trade, services, public procurement, and others. Importantly, the European Union supplied €50 million of funding in 2007 to boost not just institutional reforms in case of an associational agreement, but also to make neoliberal instruments more functional—what the Europeans have prioritized from the very start to cultivate civil society, and thereby flood the region with infinite transnational bonds.

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