New Social Movements and the Armenian Question in Turkey by Özlem Belçim Galip

Author:Özlem Belçim Galip
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9783030594008
Publisher: Springer International Publishing

He did indeed criticize the anti-Turkish stance of some circles of the Armenian diaspora, while believing that Turks should also be informed about the Armenian side of the story.

Almost all my interviewees also confirmed the great impact on political mobilization among Istanbul Armenians of Dink’s assassination. Armenians in Istanbul have always preferred to remain a closed community, and even regarded Dink’s newspaper Agos as too controversial and way too courageous. They feared such exposure, but Dink argued that reconciliation might be achieved if Armenians explained themselves to the Turkish community. The Armenian community experienced shame, humiliation, harassment and intimidation across the long decades from the 1950s to the 1990s without being able to speak up in its defense and was characterized by its reclusive existence and collective silence (Tchilingirian 2007).14 However, even those who were never politically active attended Dink’s funeral, which became a mass demonstration. Sayat Tekir (2016), Nor Zartonk founder and Armenian activist, who played a big role in mobilizing Armenian youth after the assassination, says, “I saw my childhood friends at the funeral that I hadn’t seen for many years. It became an occasion when we started to bond again.” This can be explained by the fact that appealing to identity, collective actions through a movement motivate participants through intrinsic, nonstrategic rewards such as self-realization, personal satisfaction and a sense of group belonging (Gamson and Croteau 1992).

However, despite turning it into a magnificent protest, the support of some human rights activists, intellectuals and civil society at Dink’s funeral for ‘solidarity’ should be debated. ‘Solidarity’ refers to a form of participation rather than a distinct locus of activity or a specific social cause. Who or what forms part of this movement is entirely open to interpretation and it can be invested with different meanings according to social and political circumstances. In other words, ‘solidarity’ denotes a diffuse and heterogeneous array of associations, actions and initiatives where no single overarching cause or dominant struggle emerges. It also includes a relationship with these who find themselves in a neutral position. It is with reference to “protagonists, antagonists, and audiences” (Hunt et al. 1994) like those who were present at the funeral but do not participate in all the ideological discourses, particularly the arguments around genocide. Daily Turkish newspaper Hürriyet launched an online poll to which more than 450,000 people replied. To the question, “Is it rightful to say ‘We are all Armenians’ to protest the Dink murder?” nearly half the respondents said ‘yes’. However, these placards have also been attacked by the ultranationalist MHP (Nationalist Movement Party) and secularist CHP (Republican People’s Party) for denigrating Turkishness. In addition, in the case of the funeral, it does not mean that they all acknowledged the Armenian Genocide. Human rights lawyer Eren Keskin says the crowd at the funeral surprised them as much as anybody, but the number of participants who were not happy with the slogan ‘We are all Armenians’ was not few, and she adds “I wonder how many of them would have remained if we had asked to talk about the Armenian Genocide.

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