Technology as Human Social Tradition by Jordan Peter;

Technology as Human Social Tradition by Jordan Peter;

Author:Jordan, Peter;
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: University of California Press


NOTES

Note 1. Seventeenth- to Nineteenth-Century Demography and Marriage Patterns: Iugan River Khanty and Neighboring Populations

Demography

The earliest Russian records of iasak fur-taxpayers (not the overall population) living on the Iugan, Iuganskaia Ob’, and Balyk Rivers was 116 in 1629, rising to 125 in 1645, followed by 133 in 1680 and 148 in 1706. This might indicate a steady growth in local households or reflect the increasing reach of the tax system into remoter areas (Martynova 1998:140). Later sources record the entire population and indicate that the Iuganskaia Ob’ population hovered around 350 from 1782 to 1897, but that populations on the Malyi Iugan went through a major decline, from 352 down to 141, and populations along the Bolshoi Iugan showing a steady rise, from 493 in 1792, to 554 in 1897 (Martynova 1998:140–41). The current Iugan Khanty population numbers just under a thousand (Bakhlykov 1996:6). For demographic information pertaining to other Eastern Khanty rivers, see Martynova (1998).

Regional Marriage Contacts

There were particularly intensive marriage contacts within the Iugan basin and also regular marriages with communities on other rivers (Martynova 1998:140–42). For example, on the Malyi Iugan (figure 3.1), 19 percent of all mid-nineteenth-century marriages were conducted within that basin, and 28 percent involved partners from the Bolshoi Iugan; 40 percent were from the Iuganskaia Ob’ and Balyk, and the rest of partners were drawn from elsewhere, for example, 6 percent with the Trom”egan Khanty. On the Bolshoi Iugan, 30 percent of marriages were internal to that basin, 23 percent were with the Malyi Iugan Khanty, 25 percent were with partners from the Iuganskaia Ob’ and Balyk Rivers, and the rest involved more distant communities. In general, nearly all marriages across the region involved other Khanty communities, with interethnic marriages (e.g., with Sel’kup or Nenets), amounting to only 0.6 percent of all Eastern Khanty marriages recorded during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries. Similarly, interactions with Russians were also limited and very infrequent –at the end of the nineteenth century, there were 5,964 Eastern Khanty in the Middle Ob’ region but only 140 Russians, living mainly in Surgut and local administrative villages (Lukina 1985:16). Currently, most Iugan Khanty appear to marry within their own community, occasionally with more distant Khanty communities, and also with other occasional incomers to the main village of Ugut (see Wiget and Balalaeva 2011).



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