Rethinking Social Exclusion by Simon Winlow Steve Hall

Author:Simon Winlow, Steve Hall [Simon Winlow, Steve Hall]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Juvenile Nonfiction, Social Science, General, Sociology
ISBN: 9781446296028
Google: 9A0tAgAAQBAJ
Publisher: SAGE
Published: 2013-11-13T04:37:49+00:00

Neoliberalism’s post-middle class

As they attempt to address structural deficits and significant budgetary constraints, post-crash neoliberal governments proceed on the basis that it is counterproductive to tax the rich. Yet it seems obvious that tax revenues need to rise and spending needs to fall if any progress is to be made. The result is that the reduced-status middle managers discussed above are taking the brunt of post-crash tax rises, while those at the bottom take the brunt of government austerity cuts. In the same way as sociologists increasingly talk of a ‘post-working class’ – fragmented to such an extent that it is no longer reasonable to talk of them as a cohesive class in the traditional modernist sense – we might talk of this group of middle managers as a ‘post-middle class’, occupying a vague position somewhere in the middle of a class hierarchy whose boundaries appear fluid and open but whose internal structures are replete with hurdles, obstacles and powerful currents and slipstreams that might propel individuals upwards or drag them downwards to the very bottom. The class hierarchy has changed so much as a result of capitalism’s recent dynamic shift, but in ways that have perpetuated social exclusion amongst the ‘underclass’ and extended its potential to the middle class, in general diffusing the powerful constraints that work against upward mobility throughout all sub-elite strata.

The class system appears fluid and open only in the sense that liberal capitalism truly accepts all identity groups into its upper managerial echelons. It cares not if new arrivals at the top are women, from lower-class backgrounds, talk with an accent, have black or brown skin or incline towards any form of non-heterosexuality. Of course, residual structural impediments can prevent the ascent of these groups, but if they do make it to the hallowed gates of the super-strata by applying unusual effort and determination, they will not be denied access. In fact they will be welcomed for their additional use-value as ideological pin-ups to demonstrate liberal-capitalism’s intrinsic fairness. What matters for the continuity of liberal capitalism is the willingness of new inductees to fully identify with and internalise its ideology as an unconscious belief and to work tirelessly to lubricate the circulation of capital. In the same way, liberal capitalism no longer has any loyalty to the elites of the old world. Their refined speech, social comportment, elite education, old school connections – as well as their good old-fashioned nepotism – act as obvious brakes upon downward mobility, but if these brakes fail, then capitalism will not ensure a soft landing. A failed marriage, a redundancy or a bankruptcy might accelerate downward mobility, but the real pressure falls on the young educated children of the middle class in their socially appointed role of replicating the economic and cultural position of their parents. Again, this group can draw upon significant advantages, but nothing is guaranteed. The general degradation of employment opportunities in consumer-driven Western economies affects the ex-middle classes too, and we are already seeing the

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