Populism and Civil Society by Andrew Arato

Author:Andrew Arato [Arato, Andrew]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9780197526590
Publisher: OxfordUP
Published: 2021-09-15T00:00:00+00:00

The Populist Dictatorship

We conclude this chapter with a brief reflection on the second threshold issue, namely the shift from a hybrid populist regime to a full version of authoritarian dictatorship, albeit perhaps one that is less violent than harsher versions existing in other contexts. What would be the signposts of such a transition? Recall that according to Linz’s criteria for classifying full authoritarian regimes there is a spectrum between monism and pluralism, mobilization and civil privatism, and from ideology to mentality. Thus a full authoritarian, populist-created regime could remain somewhat pluralist and mobilizational or veer more toward civil privatism and pragmatism, downplaying ideology. A variety of subtypes of populist-created authoritarianism are possible. But a sure sign of the shift over to a full authoritarian regime would be the fact that despite all appeals to popular sovereignty, an incumbent party and leader can no longer lose elections. This means that the regime has become effectively a single party state. An equally important sign would be the impossibility of serious challenge to the rules and practices, formal and informal, put in place by the populist regime to consolidate its control, except by the regime itself. The fact that a populist subtype of an authoritarian regime has a constitution and a table of rights is not the determining factor. Rather, the key would be the relationship of its table of rights to their enforcement and the existence of independent institutions of supervision and complaint—horizontal as well as vertical, formal as well as informal/counter-democratic. When enforcement of rights is fully compromised, whether constitutionally or only in practice, when independent supervisory organs (separation of powers) are gone, when communication among political contenders is no longer possible, then of course elections are no longer even partially free or fair. Such a system, given what is minimal in populist ideology would still have elections, but these would now morph fully over into what populism always viewed to be their function namely that of generating identification and involving purely symbolic representation—not a form entailing accountability or responsiveness to the demands and aspirations of electorates. In such a system party pluralism could still exist but other parties would be denied the chance to compete meaningfully or win. Civil society would also exist under a full authoritarian populist regime but primarily in the form of top-down creations and dependent entities (gleichschaltung). There can be publics as long as the main media of communication are completely under government control. As indicated earlier courts and apex courts can continue to exist but they would be disempowered regarding their function in policing the separation of powers and ensuring the constitutional reflexive regulation of law making. One final and crucial additional sign that a populist regime has crossed the threshold to full authoritarianism and dictatorship would be the emergence of a dual state such that violations of the rule of law and the politicization of ordinary legality is institutionalized and the prerogative power of the executive is supreme and sovereign, i.e., above any legal

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