Ulrich Beck by Sørensen Mads Peter. Christiansen Allan. & Allan Christiansen

Author:Sørensen, Mads Peter.,Christiansen, Allan. & Allan Christiansen [Mads P. Sørensen]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9781136263583
Publisher: Taylor & Francis (CAM)

Subpolitics

Functional differentiation is, as discussed in Chapter 3, one of the characteristic trademarks of modern societies, according to Ulrich Beck. Much like system theoreticians such as Talcott Parsons and Niklas Luhmann, Beck sees the development of (first) modernity as a transition towards more and more complex societies consisting of undifferentiated subsystems in charge of highly specific functions. Although Beck’s understanding of the development of modern societies is, in this regard, an extension of the views of Parsons and Luhmann and their system theories, it should be noted that this is only the case for the development of first modernity. With regard to second modernity, however, it is exactly Beck’s point that a de-differentiation takes place which is immediately followed by a re-differentiation with regard to the differentiated subsystems of first modernity (see, for example, Beck, Bonß and Lau, 2001, 2003)

The most significant functional differentiation in first modern societies, according to Beck, is the one which exists between the techno-economic sphere and the political sphere. In first modernity, it is the task of the techno-economic sphere, on the one hand, to bring about a general increase in wealth through industrial production and the active use of science, whereas the political sphere on the other hand is tasked with taking care of issuing the guidelines of society’s development, the distribution of wealth and the handling of the side effects of industrial production. The distribution of power and decision, too, is a fixed matter with regard to these two spheres: it is politics which is at the end of the table, calling the shots.

In second modernity, however, this model of distribution for work and responsibility comes under significant pressure, since it is founded on the precondition that the development of productive powers and the scientific development in the techno-economic sphere do not surpass the regulatory abilities, capacities and powers of the political sphere (Beck, 1992: 183–185).

This precondition crumbles under the pressure of globalization and the production of the new risks and man-made hazards. One very visible consequence is the deconstruction of the nation-state containers which used to provide the framework for the distribution of risk and wealth in first modernity (see Chapter 5 above). The advantages as well as the disadvantages of industrial production, however, can no longer be contained and held within the boundaries and borders of the nation-state: pollution and all the other new risks and man-made hazards from industrial production end up crossing all political and military borders as if they

were not there at all. So does the economy. The techno-economic sphere, in other words, has burst from its nation-state wrapping paper. On the other hand, however, the political sphere is still to a great extent stuck helplessly in the national. This means that the political system is experiencing more and more difficulty in its attempts at balancing and handling the advantages and disadvantages of industrial production. With the rise of new inequality, there is – as we covered in the previous chapter – no longer any kind of specific

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