Greek and Latin From an Indo-European Perspective by Coulter George;Matthew McCullagh;Benedicte Nielsen;Antonia Ruppel;

Author:Coulter George;Matthew McCullagh;Benedicte Nielsen;Antonia Ruppel;
Language: eng
Format: epub
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Publisher: Casemate Publishers & Book Distributors, LLC

1Compounded forms and derivatives must be excluded from a discussion of paradigmatic ablaut patterns, because they do not allow firm conclusions about their bases (cf. Schindler (1975b) 260).

2See, e.g., Wackemagel and Debrunner (1954) 364–7. Only Benveniste (1935) 31–5 has tried to explain all the Indo-Iranian stems as containing IE *i: ‘Mais xrviš- ne peut être séparé de xrvi- forme de composition, non plus que Skt. çociş- d’av. saoči-. Ceci donne la clé de la formation’ ((1935) 34). His approach has been generally ignored because of the untenable explanation he gives for the G neuters in -ας (see below 3.1.).

3Cf. tuví- (below §2.4) and Wackernagel and Debrunner (1957) 59ff.

4The reasons for this secondary accentuation are not obvious to me. It was possibly taken over from adjectives of the type cákri- (Wackernagel and Debrunner (1954) 291ff.), which regularly have accentuation on the reduplication syllable.

5On rόkaḥ (RV 6.66.6: róka- m. or rókas- n.?), see Nowicki (1976) 105f.

6See Schindler (1972a) 41 against a paradigmatic connection between rúci- and rúc- f. (RV+).

7Again I assume an original *rucí-°. The accent of rúci- can result from its being a substantive.

8Beside bhrājí- (MS) and bhrjas- (RV+) ‘brightness’. √bhrāj- is aniṭ; cf. víbhrāṣṭi- f. ‘flaring up’.

9rohis- and róhi- ‘a certain kind of gazelle’ (Ep.) belong to the root *h1reṷdh- ‘red’ (róhita- RV+ = YAv. raoiδita- ‘red[dish]’). The evidence for a Caland system from this root includes an i-stem (in rudhi-krā- (name of a demon) RV 2.14.5, and indirectly in rudhirá- ‘red, bloody’ AV+ < *rudhí- × *rudhrá- [cf. G ἐρυϑρός etc.]; see Nussbaum (1976) 14 and 64) and an s-stem not attested in Indo-Iranian (cf. G ἔρευϑος, L rubor ‘redness’ etc.).

10Since (apart from the infinitive rcáse) neither an s-stem nor a Caland system is attested beside arcí- ‘beam’ (RV+), the only alternative would be to assume productive *-is- (taken from its synonyms śocís- and rocís-).

11Because of the root vocalism, a derivation from bhují- f. pleasure’ (RV) seems more plausible than a contamination with the s-stem in viśvá-bhojas- ‘providing all food’ (RV, AV).

12The two roots merged completely in InIr. *√bṛh- (see EWA 2.212ff.).

13Note the frequent occurrence of ritual terms among the stems in -is-, and in particular the parallelism between havts-, havyd- (RV 7.34.14), havyavhana- (RV+) and kravís- (§2.4 below), kravyd- (RV+), kravyavhana- (RV 10.16.11).

14Both variants should be analyzed as contaminations of chadís- with śarman- ‘protection’ (RV+). See Dunkel (1987) 12 for chardís- and Sāyaṇa’s commentary ad loc. for śardis-.

15A possible trace of an s-stem is found only in jyótsnā- ‘moonlight’ (MS, Brāh.+), which could also contain a complex suffix *-snā- (cf. L lūna, G σελήνη). The i-stems jyoti-, jyuti- and dyuti- are late and scarcely attested.

16*ṷét-os (G ἔτος ‘year’) + -ó- → *ṷet-s-ό-. In some examples not only the suffix, but also the root, is weakened: e.g. *rόcas- → rukṣá- (cf. §2.2 above).

17On this topic, see Tichy (1985) 229–44, Ravnæs (1981) 247–73, Beekes (1981) 275–87. Note that the forms discussed here constitute quite a significant part of the evidence.

18See Nussbaum (1976) 99f.: Ved. máhas- (RV+) = YAv. mazah- ‘magnitude’, Hitt, mekki- ‘much’ < *méĝ-h2-i- etc.

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